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Argentina suffered a recession before the 2001 crisis, especially after Brazil’s devaluation in 1999 (figure 2-3). Many observers attribute that recession to Argentina’s declining competitiveness because of the peso’s link to the dollar. Both Argentina and Uruguay suffered sharp declines in output      following the Argentine debt-financial crisis that began in late 2001. Since then, Argentina has benefited, at least temporarily, from its default, and its exports have become much more competitive since it broke the link between the peso and the dollar.

In the Uruguayan 52. Sales of equity occurred in some cases, but the governments retained a controlling interest, if not a majority of the capital.      crisis, Banco Hipotecario, with assets of almost $3 billion, collapsed because of the mismatch between deposits indexed to dollars and peso-denominated mortgages that, in many cases, had not even been finalized legally. Despite their weak lending, governments have often used public sector banks as part of the crisis resolution process, sometimes in concert with asset recovery companies.

However, large banks that wish to expand consumer credit and mortgages may find that such “micro” procedures are too expensive or reach too small a client base. In some cases, consumer lending has been expanded simply by issuing large numbers of credit cards, hoping that the average default rate will be covered by the high rates of interest being charged. However, this procedure has sometimes proved costly, for example, in Korea, as noted. Expansion of mortgages is an even more complicated issue, given the possibility of a weak credit culture as a result of the previous dominance of public sector banks in the mortgage market and the weak legal framework.

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